Modi’s India: Hindu Nationalism and the Rise of Ethnic Democracy is an English translation of the French L’Inde de Modi (Fayard, 2019) but updated with three new chapters written for the English edition. The three additional chapters bring the historical narrative up to date with analysis of Narendra Modi’s re-election in 2019 and of important events, such as the Supreme Court’s Ayodhya judgement, the abolition of article 370, the Citizen Amendment Act, the anti-CAA movement, and the 2020 Delhi riots. The author, Christophe Jaffrelot, is one of the foremost scholars on Indian politics, especially Hindu nationalism, and has written extensively on this topic, starting with The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics, which was a translation of his Les nationalistes hindous: idéologie, implantation et mobilisation des années 1920 aux années 1990, (Presses de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 1993), and published in English in 1996, which is now a classic in the field.
Modi’s India briefly gives some of the historical background of Hindu nationalism—its ideology and organizations—which was dealt with in depth in The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics. The personal life of Modi is covered in a few pages. The main part of the book is a detailed analysis and documentation of Modi’s rise to political power, the politics and various agents of Hindu nationalism under his rule, and the dramatic transformation of India. Inclusive pluralism was at the foundation of the modern nation of India, but India is currently being transformed into a Hindu majoritarian nation ruled by Hindu ethnonationalism and authoritarianism. Jafferlot thinks the culture of inclusive pluralism in India is already a lost case.
Most of the material presented is well known from coverage in Indian media, but the book systematizes the information, and also provides many helpful statistical tables. The book does not focus much on the opposition to the development of ethnonationalism and authoritarianism, presumably because Jaffrelot does not seem to believe such opposition will be able to make a difference. “Hindutva has gradually become a hegemonic discourse” (454), argues Jaffrelot, and opposition politicians now think they have to prove their Hindu religiosity. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the organization behind Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), also now has a significant presence in the state. According to Jaffrelot, Should BJP lose the next parliamentary election, the new hegemony of the Hindutva forces of Sangh Parivar, “is so deeply entrenched in the social fabric that it may continue to dictate its terms to the state on the ground—and to rule in the street” (467).
The book has eleven chapters in three parts. The first part, on Hindutva and populism, analyzes the characteristics of Hindu nationalism and its coming to power. The second part focuses on ethnic democracy, the opposition to the secularism of the Constitution, and the opposition to Christian and Muslim minorities who are victims of vigilante groups. Jaffrelot thinks these vigilante groups have created a de facto Hindu nation. Part three, on competitive authoritarianism, shows how the Modi government has weakened the institutions of the state, compromised the electoral process, targeted minority groups, and made Muslims second-class citizens, and argues that India now has become an authoritarian Hindu state.
Modi’s strategy of Hindu-Muslim polarization has been successful for winning elections. The polarization was designed to make Hindus appear as victims even as they perpetuated violence against Muslims. Modi emphasized the need for Hindu unity and social harmony, which reflects the Hindu nationalists’ attempt to create Hindu unity beyond caste and class. The ability to attract Hindu OBC (Other Backward Castes) votes made the difference in the 2014 election. The populist Modi used his low caste background (Ghanchi caste, classified as OBC since the 1990s) and the economic growth of Gujarat while he was chief minister to present himself as a friend of the poor. As a consequence, the Brahmanical upper caste ideology of RSS became less important for OBC voters. OBC voters identified with his background and were hoping to improve their economic and social situation. However, as Jaffrelot lays out, the neo-liberal right wing of the Modi government implemented anti-poor policies once in power. Farmers and rural areas have been hit especially hard. Increased rural poverty, undernourishment, and innumerable underweight children resulted from these policies.
The book is convincingly argued and meticulously documented with 150 pages of endnotes. Although this is a work of political science, the book is obligatory reading for students of religion in India. Some topics on religion could have been further developed, such as the role of asceticism and charisma in Indian politics. A mistake on p. 45 can be rectified in the next edition. Two rivers both with the name Saraswati seem to be confused. The river Saraswati in Sidhpur, a river that originates in Aravali Hill and is regulated by the Mukteshwar dam, is claimed to be the same as the mythical Saraswati River “that exists only in ancient texts.” However, although the name is the same, the rivers are not. That aside, the next parliamentary election in India is scheduled for 2024 and until then, the political situation that is described in Modi’s India will probably continue, and there is no better book to get informed about current Hindu nationalist political developments in India.
Knut A. Jacobsen is a professor of the study of religions at the University of Bergen.
Knut Axel Jacobsen
Date Of Review:
May 27, 2022
