Katrina Daly Thompson’s Muslims on the Margins: Creating Queer Religious Community in North America offers a beautiful ethnographic portrait of how queer and LGBTQ+ Muslims navigate their faith and spirituality within queer-friendly or queer-led mosque spaces and related online communities across North America from 2016 to 2020. The book does this by demonstrating how discourse serves as a powerful tool for social action, forging a"community of resistance"(6). Thompson's work illuminates how queer Muslims engage with their faith by actively participating in Islamic tradition rather than rejecting or abandoning it. Through her careful analysis, she re-emphasizes the study of Islam as a lived religion, using conversations and embodied interactions to explore how participants use and position their bodies in relation to one another, how they practice Islam, and how they envision a better future (6-7).
The book is a deeply informed study of Thompson’s own experiences as a white Muslim convert and queer cis woman, drawing upon her active participation in these diverse spaces and networks. In the opening chapter, the author carefully constructs a broad analytical framework centered on defining "nonconformist" and "marginalized" Muslims. This marks a conscious shift away from the term "progressive" Muslims, which she contends has become a fragmented movement in North America. In the book, she underscores a more transnational scope of nonconformist Muslims, encompassing feminists, queers, and advocates for anti-racist and anti-ableist perspectives, who collectively emphasize their marginalization from mainstream Muslim spaces.
While Thompson’s primary focus is on queer Muslims, this study stands out for its exploration of how queer Muslims collaboratively cultivate a non-conformist community and interpret faith through interactions with other marginalized Muslims. In the second chapter, the author delves into the emotional landscapes of nonconformist Muslim groups, employing storytelling and narrative analysis to uncover the motivations behind their search for and commitment to these communities. In that, she emphasizes the importance of affective experiences. Participants in this work describe their journey in emotional terms, reflecting how their feelings of connection, belonging, and shared understanding drew them to and retained them within these groups. In doing so, Thompson shows how these individuals do not merely join nonconformist groups; instead, they form an “affective community” (40) that resonates with their lived experiences. This approach offers a nuanced portrayal of Islam as a lived religion, providing invaluable insights for anthropologists and scholars of religious studies alike. It reveals that the essence of belonging extends far beyond mere affiliations and that it is deeply rooted in the affective ties that knit individuals together.
The uniqueness of her ethnography resides in its sophisticated exploration of the term “futurism.” Thompson articulates how narrative construction, collaborative text translation, mutual correction, and the broader project of Muslim nonconformity collectively forge a vision of a future, a concept she eloquently terms “discursive futurism” (8). She argues that the future is not merely envisioned but is embodied and created in the physical space of congregational prayers, as well as by interacting with others’ bodies and voices in such spaces. In the third chapter, she builds on Saba Mahmood’s concept of performativity to show how these spaces actively cultivate a culture of inclusivity and gender expansiveness. By focusing on the intercorporeal aspects of performance, she demonstrates how community practices can lead to a deeper embodiment of nonconformist values. In that, she offers readers a chance to “feel futurity” (71) by examining how non-conformists co-created inclusive spaces that transcended gender barriers, thus, in a way, unlearning the old ways and absorbing the new.
In chapter 4, Thompson explores how nonconformist Muslims contribute to building an inclusive future by queering their discourse on Islam, thereby asserting a voice that is simultaneously Muslim and queer (101). While the experiences of being both Muslim and queer or trans are undeniably complex—marked by the dual pressures of Muslim homophobia and queer Islamophobia—Thompson’s ethnography reveals a more harmonious reality within nonconformist Muslim communities. Drawing on Rusty Barrett’s concept of “indexical disjuncture” (108) she illustrates how queer Muslims and their allies intentionally blend elements of their Muslimness and queerness in both discourse and practice.
Yet, the journey towards building an inclusive community is neither entirely harmonious nor idyllic. Criticisms and self-reflection become integral elements of the evolving Islamic discourse. In the final two chapters, Thompson's work resonates with the ontological shift in Islamic studies, delving into the unique lived experiences of queer Muslims. It paints a nuanced picture where doubt and acceptance coexist, offering an alternative path that remains intertwined with the core tenets of Islam.
These chapters highlight the transformative demands of Black women religious leaders in nonconformist groups who seek to transcend the boundaries of the LGBTQ discourse and engage deeply with anti-racist and broader humanitarian justice efforts. Their voices call for a more inclusive and expansive approach within Islam. It shows a broader dissatisfaction with being sect-blind (“Just Muslims,” 148) and urging a movement “within and beyond the LGBTQ idiom” (150) to encompass a more comprehensive vision of justice and equity. Returning to lived experience as the foundation for theoretical development, Thompson artfully weaves members’ narratives of critique to explore the contours of an alternative Islamic future. In doing so, she employs a model of shared ethnographic authority, collaborating closely with her interlocutors to co-construct these theoretical frameworks.
Thompson’s book would benefit from a more detailed examination of how these nonconformist Islamic spaces are framed in relation to conventional interpretations of Islam. At times, the narrative left me yearning for a more thorough exploration and analysis of what foundational Islamic texts convey about queer Muslims. A deeper engagement with these traditional sources would enrich the discussion, offering a more holistic understanding of how nonconformist practices align with or diverge from established interpretations of Islamic teachings.
Yet, in the present geopolitical climate, where the space for Muslims—and queer Muslims in particular—is increasingly constrained, and their rights often marginalized or undermined, Muslims on the Margins stands as a vital and meticulous ethnographic exploration. With an artistic writing style, this work offers an essential perspective for examining the shifting landscape of Muslim identity in North America, extending its reach beyond an academic audience. It illuminates the intricate realities these communities navigate and reveals the transformative possibilities and tangible futures inherent within their stories.
Shahana Munazir is a PhD candidate in anthropology at University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Shahana Munazir
Date Of Review:
August 21, 2024
