Shaligram Pilgrimage in the Nepal Himalayas

Among the most materially grounded religious practices are the veneration of sacred objects and the visitation of holy sites on pilgrimage. In Shaligram Pilgrimage in the Nepal Himalayas, Holly Walters details an understudied religious tradition—the reverence of particular ammonite fossils by Hindus, Buddhists, and other religious practitioners, hailing from several South Asian countries, and centered on a specific location in Nepal. Shaligrams, as Walters explains, are typically black ammonites from the Kali Gandaki river that are understood by devotees as “natural manifestations” (14) of Hindu deities, primarily avatars of Vishnu. Walters comprehensively examines these stones and the practices associated with them based on extensive ethnography in India and Nepal, including at Muktinath Temple and the Kali Gandaki river valley in Mustang, while also making extensive use of religious and historical texts.

The book addresses several themes, including material culture, the relationship between religion and science, non-human personhood, the intersection of religious practices and national/political boundaries, and the nature of pilgrimage and movement through space and time. In exploring these themes, Walters consistently returns to the overarching concerns of religious pluralism (as Shaligram practitioners include Hindus, Buddhists, and members of indigenous religions) and the permeability of reified categories and boundaries, including religions, nationalities, and the distinction between religion and science. She also provides information on the history of the Mustang religion, Hindu puja and deity altars, and geology of the Nepal Himalayas.

While Walters’ ethnography is multi-sited, one of the central sites, both for her research and for Shaligram pilgrimage, is Muktinath temple in the Kali Gandaki river valley in Mustang, Nepal. As this temple complex incorporates Hinduism, Buddhism, and the indigenous Bon religion, Walters notes that “Muktinath itself . . . is not specifically identifiable through any one religious tradition and incorporates a variety of ritual practices, local and foreign customs, and belief systems – all of which are recapitulated in the Shaligram practices that follow” (112). In discussing pilgrimage to the temple and the Kali Gandaki valley, she notes that for Shaligram practitioners, this is not just a physical journey, but a temporal journey through the sacred. As such, Walters expands our understanding of pilgrimage beyond one that is place-based. She explains that “Shaligrams become capable of being both from a place and carrying that place with them” (229), and that Shaligram pilgrimage is life-long, as both the practitioner and the Shaligram itself, in its role as a natural manifestation of a deity, journey through the entire life cycle. Shaligrams are seen as participating in life-course events, as they may be given to children or moved to a new home after marriage. Ultimately, when a Shaligram devotee dies, the Shaligram itself may be included in their cremation and returned to a river, where it is understood to “die” itself and begin the cycle of death and rebirth again. Walters also notes the consequences that national boundaries and political actions (such as restrictions on entering Mustang) have had for this pilgrimage practice.

As suggested by their participation in the life cycle, devotees view Shaligrams “as manifest deities with their own will and agency” (139). As deities, Shaligrams participate in the Hindu practice of darshan, or seeing and being seen by a deity, and they are also understood by devotees as having personalities and preferences. Walters uses this to discuss ontological anthropology, noting that “I do not refer to devotees ‘believing’ in Shaligrams any more than I might refer to a paleontologist as ‘believing’ in fossils . . . They are fossils. They are deities” (145; emphasis in original). Along these lines, she also explains that for practitioners, Shaligrams have “joined scientific discourses with religious narratives, as opposed to assuming differing interpretations to be mutually exclusive” (154). Walters also uses Shaligrams to consider the nature of personhood. She notes that Shaligrams receive offerings, are enmeshed in networks of relationships, and seem to exhibit agency in their movement through the physical landscape of the Kali Gandaki river. Here, the book contributes to theories of non-human personhood and the agency of objects.

A major strength of Walters’ writing is the voice she gives to her ethnographic participants. Throughout the text, readers hear and learn from a range of people, including both men and women, as well as both religious specialists and non-specialists. While Walters is reflexive about her own status, particularly when discussing the experiences of “pilgrims” versus “tourists,” the book would be yet stronger with additional reflexivity. For example, she notes that “Shaligram veneration is…not generally restricted by caste and gender (except in a few notable circumstances, particularly in reference to menstruating women)” (150), but there is limited discussion of how her gender or being a non-South Asian might have affected her experience. After reading the book, I found that Walters has addressed some of this in a 2020 essay for the anthropology blog “The Familiar Strange,” and I think that some of this writing could have been included in the book text. The text also would have been enriched by the inclusion of photographs of Shaligrams and the religious spaces she describes, particularly given the material nature of the practices described.

Ultimately, for scholars of religion and/or South Asia, the most important contribution of Shaligram Pilgrimage in the Nepal Himalaya is its comprehensive and detailed examination of Shaligram practices, a topic that has received limited previous discussion. In doing this, the book also makes a compelling case for not reifying categories created by scholars (such as Hindu versus Buddhist or religion versus science) that are not employed by practitioners themselves. The text, or sections of it, will be of interest to a wide variety of scholars, including those of religion, South Asia, anthropology, and possibly geology. While it offers extensive explanations, the book often assumes that the reader has previous knowledge of anthropological theory and religions of South Asia, primarily Hinduism, so it may not be appropriate for undergraduate readers. 

Emily McKendry-Smith is an associate professor of sociology at the University of West Georgia.

Emily McKendry-Smith

Date Of Review:

September 14, 2023